it's time we have a new publication that talks about issues the center cares about. no idealogical virtue signaling. just common sense. subscribe to https://t.co/KhH2kH0gIo
— brryant (@bryantchou) February 12, 2026
Lets bring SF back! pic.twitter.com/M7aI05Qmxq
San Francisco faces deep, interconnected challenges rooted in governance, policy choices, high costs, and implementation failures, despite its wealth, natural beauty, and recent improvements. As of mid-2026, visible progress exists under Mayor Daniel Lurie (elected amid voter frustration with prior leadership), but core issues like homelessness, disorder, cleanliness, and services persist in many neighborhoods.
This led to:
- Ballot initiatives dictating spending (e.g., dedicated homelessness taxes) with weak accountability and audits. Billions spent on homelessness yielded disappointing results for years, with high per-person costs but persistent street presence.
- NIMBY resistance and environmental/permitting hurdles (CEQA abuse, appeals, design reviews) that block or delay housing, driving up costs dramatically. SF builds far less housing than needed relative to demand and job growth.
- Low clearance rates for many crimes and fragmented services.
2025-2026 updates show gains: Unsheltered homelessness down ~22% (lowest in 15 years per PIT count), tents down 85%, fewer encampments, reduced visible disorder, and improved street conditions in some areas. Crime (especially property and car break-ins) dropped sharply. However, residents in hard-hit neighborhoods report persistent drug dealing and visible issues; progress feels uneven and reversible without sustained enforcement.
High spending often flowed to shelters, "supportive housing" (with high ongoing service costs), and emergency care rather than rapid, accountability-focused interventions. Many offers of shelter were declined; addiction and mental illness complicated outcomes. Law and OrderPre-2024/2025, SF gained notoriety for retail theft, car break-ins ("bipping"), open-air fentanyl markets, and low prosecution of quality-of-life crimes (prop 47 effects statewide, local policies). This eroded public trust, drove businesses out, and harmed tourism/perception. Homicides and violent crime were lower historically but disorder was high.
Recent trends: Overall crime down significantly (violent crime ~22% lower, car break-ins at multi-year lows, homicides low). Partnerships with CHP and more proactive policing helped. Clearance rates remain low for property crimes. Public safety feels improved citywide but varies by block.
Root causes included drug markets, untreated severe mental illness/addiction among a subset of homeless, and policies that de-emphasized enforcement.How Can They Be Fixed?Fixes require sustained political will, data-driven iteration, and trade-offs. Recent direction under Lurie aligns with many evidence-based steps:
- Enforcement + Treatment: Consistent policing of public drug use, encampments, theft, and disorder (broken windows + compassionate). Pair with mandatory treatment/courts for severe cases (mental health + addiction). "Housing First" alone fails without sobriety/accountability for many. Expand shelter + care capacity.
- Housing Supply: Aggressively deregulate zoning/permitting. End excessive appeals (e.g., shadow laws), fast-track infill near transit, allow more density by-right. State reforms (SB 35, etc.) help; local follow-through is key. Reduce construction costs via streamlined reviews.
- Accountability in Spending: Audit homelessness programs rigorously. Tie funding to outcomes (exits to permanent housing, sobriety metrics). Consolidate agencies. Prioritize cost-effective interventions over process.
- Basic Services/Cleanliness: Dedicated street teams with rapid response, power-washing, enforcement of anti-littering. Maintain momentum on encampment sweeps.
- Governance Reform: Charter changes for efficiency, fewer commissions, term limits (some passed recently), evidence-based budgeting over earmarks. Recruit competent managers.
- Economic Vitality: Keep taxes reasonable, cut red tape for business, leverage tech/biotech strengths without over-reliance.
- Singapore: Strict enforcement of public order (fines for littering, chewing gum, etc.), excellent public housing (broad supply, means-tested), technocratic governance with accountability, integration of treatment/enforcement for drugs. Low visible disorder, high livability.
- Tokyo: Dense but clean/ordered via social norms + enforcement, efficient transit/services, housing supply that keeps costs more manageable. Minimal street homelessness.
- Vienna (or Nordic examples): Strong social safety net paired with order, ample affordable housing supply, effective public services. High taxes but high value delivered.
- U.S. peers like Houston or Indianapolis: Fewer zoning restrictions → more housing supply/affordability. Pragmatic governance, focus on basics (policing, infrastructure). Many Sun Belt cities rank higher on efficiency metrics.
- General best practices: Data transparency + outcomes tracking (not inputs/spending); streamlined permitting; broken-windows policing + care continuum; public-private partnerships for streets/parks; political accountability via elections/results.
- Singapore: Parliamentary republic with Westminster roots. Executive power centers on the Prime Minister and Cabinet, accountable to Parliament (dominated by the People’s Action Party/PAP since 1959). The President (elected) has limited veto powers over reserves and key appointments. Highly centralized: national government handles what a U.S. city + state + some federal roles would cover. Long-term planning, whole-of-government coordination, and technocratic leadership (merit-based civil service). Low fragmentation.
- San Francisco: Strong-mayor system on paper (mayor as chief executive with veto power, budget proposal role), but weakened in practice by the city charter, independent commissions/boards that oversee departments (often nominating or blocking department heads), an 11-member Board of Supervisors (legislative), and overlapping agencies. Extensive use of ballot propositions for budgeting, policy, and charter changes creates "ballot-box budgeting" and many veto points. Recent reforms under Mayor Daniel Lurie aim to strengthen mayoral appointment/removal powers and streamline commissions.
- Singapore: Zero-tolerance for corruption (harsh penalties, even for ministers). Meritocracy in civil service hiring/promotion. High emphasis on outcomes, performance, and "convictions" (principled, evidence-driven governance). Clean government is a core pillar.
- SF: Low outright corruption but high inefficiency, regulatory capture via interest groups, and weak performance accountability. Commissions can insulate departments from elected leadership. High spending (e.g., homelessness) with mixed audited results historically. Reforms target better executive control for accountability.
- Singapore: Pragmatic mix of capitalism and state intervention. Strict rule of law, broken-windows-style enforcement (fines for littering, spitting, public disorder; strict drug laws). Heavy investment in public housing (HDB: ~80% of residents in high-quality, subsidized, well-maintained estates with ethnic quotas for integration, ongoing upgrading). Focus on supply, prevention, and social stability. Consultative but top-down execution.
- SF: Progressive emphasis on harm reduction, housing-first without strong accountability, expansive social spending, and individual rights/decriminalization (e.g., Prop 47 effects). Restrictive zoning/permitting + NIMBYism + CEQA appeals slow housing. Strong public participation and ideology-driven policies sometimes override data. Recent shifts toward enforcement and streamlining.
SF has high per-capita spending but historically patchy results: encampments, trash, open drug use, slow permitting. Progress on crime and homelessness metrics in 2025–2026 shows improvement is possible with focus, but the system makes sustained execution harder. 5. Strengths, Criticisms, and OutcomesSingapore strengths: World-leading livability metrics, corruption control, economic dynamism (high GDP/capita), safety, cleanliness. Criticisms: Limited political competition (PAP dominance), restrictions on speech/assembly, top-down control.
SF strengths: Vibrant democracy, innovation economy (tech/biotech), cultural diversity, strong civil society. Criticisms: Inefficiency, high costs, quality-of-life issues, governance paralysis.
Outcomes: Singapore transformed from a poor, chaotic post-independence city into a global model. SF, despite enormous advantages (wealth, location, talent), has underperformed on basics relative to its resources.What SF Can LearnSF is already debating charter reforms for stronger executive accountability and fewer commissions — moves in a more Singapore-like direction of clarity and decisiveness. Key transferable lessons (scaled to a city in a federal system):
- Strengthen mayoral/executive authority over departments while preserving oversight.
- Prioritize merit, outcomes, and data over inputs/ideology in spending and services.
- Streamline housing/permitting dramatically and enforce public order consistently (with treatment support).
- Maintain high standards for cleanliness and rule of law as non-negotiable.
- Long-term planning and whole-of-government coordination.
- No Traditional Zoning: Houston is the only major U.S. city without comprehensive use-based zoning that separates residential, commercial, and other uses citywide. Land use is governed by citywide ordinances on subdivision, setbacks, parking, and infrastructure rather than predetermined zoning maps. This allows mixed-use development and quicker responses to market demand.
- Private deed restrictions (covenants) in some neighborhoods (~25% of the city) act as localized, voluntary controls, but they do not blanket the entire city and can be more adaptable.
- Voters have repeatedly rejected proposals for citywide zoning.
- Minimum Lot Size Reforms (key supply booster):
- 1998: Reduced minimum lot sizes in the urban core (inside I-610 Loop) from 5,000 sq ft to 3,500 sq ft (or as low as 1,400 sq ft with open space provisions).
- 2013: Expanded citywide (where infrastructure allows).
- Result: Boom in townhouses and small-lot single-family homes. Over 25,000–34,000+ such units built in subsequent years, enabling infill in high-demand areas.
- Opt-out mechanism for neighborhoods helped reduce political opposition.
- Permissive Other Rules: Relatively flexible height, setback, and density rules in many areas support multifamily (including garden apartments) and missing-middle housing. Houston has streamlined subdivision processes compared to cities with layers of discretionary reviews.
- Other Supports: Incentives for affordable/workforce housing, transit-oriented development standards, and public-private efforts. Focus on increasing overall supply rather than strict inclusionary mandates.
- Housing stock growth outpaced national averages in periods like 2010–2020.
- Significant multifamily and small-lot production.
- Median home prices and housing costs remain well below coastal superstar cities and often the national major-metro average (e.g., ~20–50% lower depending on metrics).
- Better absorption of population growth without extreme price spikes seen in SF or similar areas. Supply elasticity helps moderate costs despite demand pressures.
- SF: Strict zoning, CEQA environmental reviews, discretionary approvals, appeals processes, height/density limits, and NIMBY resistance severely constrain supply. High construction costs + regulatory delays → chronic shortage despite massive demand from tech/biotech jobs.
- Houston: Market-led flexibility + targeted deregulation → faster permitting and more units built where demand exists. No zoning reduces veto points; lot-size tweaks unlocked “missing middle” without full upzoning battles.
- Result: Houston builds more housing per capita in response to growth. SF’s governance fragmentation and process-heavy approach contrast sharply with Houston’s (and Singapore’s) decisiveness on supply.
- Streamline by Default: Shift from “everything needs approval” to “by-right” development for a wide range of housing types (duplexes, townhomes, small multifamily, ADUs). Reduce or eliminate discretionary reviews and appeals.
- Targeted Lot/Density Reforms: Lower minimum lot sizes or allow smaller-scale multifamily in more areas. Houston’s opt-out helped build support—SF could pilot in willing neighborhoods.
- Focus on Supply First: Overall production helps affordability across segments more effectively than subsidies alone. Pair with targeted incentives for low-income units.
- Governance Alignment: Houston’s simpler code and fewer layers enable responsiveness. SF could pursue charter reforms for faster executive action on permitting/housing (building on recent Lurie-era efforts).
- Complements, Not Replacements: Houston still needs infrastructure investment, flood mitigation, and safety nets. Supply reforms work best alongside enforcement of basics (as in Singapore).
San Francisco and the broader Bay Area face a chronic housing shortage that drives sky-high prices, fuels homelessness, displaces residents, and strains quality of life. Median home prices in the Bay Area exceed $1.2–1.5 million in many counties, while the Central Valley offers far more affordable options, often in the $400,000–$520,000 range. Decades of underbuilding, restrictive zoning, environmental litigation, and NIMBY resistance have created this mismatch. Yet simply urging more local housing construction—while necessary—may not suffice for rapid, transformative growth. Linking the Bay Area’s job engine to the Central Valley’s abundant, cheaper land through revolutionary transportation could unlock a practical safety valve.The Commuting Reality TodayThe connection already exists informally through painful “super-commutes.” Many Bay Area workers have moved to Central Valley communities like Merced, Modesto, or Fresno, enduring long drives or existing rail/bus options. Super-commuting rates in some Central Valley counties approach 10% of commutes, with significant in-migration from the Bay Area. Existing services like ACE trains, Valley Rail, and planned High-Speed Rail extensions aim to improve this, but they remain slow and incremental compared to true high-speed options.
An underground Hyperloop—or a next-generation vacuum-tube or maglev system—could theoretically compress a 100–150 mile trip to 20–40 minutes, making daily or frequent commutes viable. Pods traveling at near-supersonic speeds in low-pressure tubes could move thousands of passengers (and potentially freight) per hour, turning distant affordable housing into a functional extension of the Bay Area economy.
Proponents, inspired by early concepts from Elon Musk’s 2013 white paper, highlight potential cost advantages over traditional rail if tunneling innovations (e.g., from The Boring Company) dramatically reduce per-mile expenses. The California High-Speed Rail Cautionary TaleSkepticism is warranted. California’s High-Speed Rail (HSR) project, approved by voters in 2008 as a ~$33 billion San Francisco-to-Los Angeles system, exemplifies the state’s dysfunction. As of 2026, costs have ballooned to $126–$231 billion estimates, with no operational high-speed service, massive delays (Central Valley segment eyed for 2030s), and federal funding cuts. Billions spent yielded mostly planning, litigation, and partial Central Valley construction.
The project’s troubles stem from:
- Litigation and regulatory hurdles: CEQA lawsuits, environmental reviews, and appeals create endless delays and cost overruns.
- Political and management issues: Scope creep, optimistic assumptions, fragmented oversight, and union/labor rules inflating costs.
- Lack of focus: Prioritizing a full statewide system over pragmatic, high-impact segments.
- Streamlining environmental reviews for priority projects (with strong safety and mitigation standards).
- Limiting frivolous litigation while preserving legitimate oversight.
- Charter-style reforms or new enabling legislation that grants fast-track authority to public-private partnerships.
- Performance-based funding with clear milestones and clawbacks.
- Potential ballot measures for targeted infrastructure financing or governance changes.
More conventional but still bold alternatives include:
- Aggressive BART/Caltrain extensions and electrification.
- Dedicated bus rapid transit or autonomous vehicle lanes.
- Accelerated housing production via widespread by-right zoning and density bonuses near transit.
- Houston-style regulatory flexibility on lot sizes and missing-middle housing.
Political leaders, voters, and innovators should pursue targeted legislation for a Hyperloop feasibility project with ironclad accountability: private capital at risk, independent audits, expedited but rigorous reviews, and sunset clauses. Pair it with parallel reforms to housing production and basic governance efficiency.
California’s challenges are solvable with competence and courage. An underground Hyperloop may or may not prove the precise technology, but the mindset behind it—prioritizing speed, affordability, and results over process—offers the right spirit for turning abundant Central Valley housing into a real solution for San Francisco’s growth ambitions. The alternative is continued stagnation, out-migration, and decline.
San Francisco Governance Issues https://t.co/lkJACFgTCa @garrytan @paulg @pmarca @vkhosla @bryantchou
— Paramendra Kumar Bhagat (@paramendra) June 18, 2026




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